African Unification Front
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CRISIS IN KENYA: THE REGIONAL & GLOBAL DIMENSION
Regional, Continental and Global Dimension of the Post-Election Crisis in Kenya: presented at the Kenya Peace and Solidarity Committee Forum Held on 26th January at the Centre of Integration for African Immigrants in Vancouver, Canada
Gizachew Adamu
[gadamu@shaw.ca]
January 26, 2008
First of all, I would like to express my thanks to the organizers for giving me the rare opportunity to be part of the Kenya Peace and Solidarity Discussion Forum. It was a pleasure for me to be part of the Forum committed to bring change in the lives of people in Kenya. I am particularly concerned because Kenya is my neighbour. It is also a country that has accommodated Ethiopian refugees who were running away from tyranny. As a member of the African community what ever happens in Kenya affects me directly. As a global citizen too I feel concerned where ordinary people suffer for reasons they do not have control. With this introduction, I now seek your permission to say something about the topic under discussion.
Kenya is a gateway to East Africa. While the rest of the world was preparing for the New Year celebration, Kenya faced post election crisis. The impact of the crisis on the economy, politics, peace and security was monumental. The crisis also polarised the Kenyan society.
Humanitarian Dimension of the crisis
The widespread violence led to humanitarian crisis which was triggered by the announcement on December 30th 2007 that the incumbent Mwai Kibaki had narrowly won a hotly contested presidential election against the Orange Democratic Movement leader Raila Odinga. Amid claims from national and international observers that the vote had been flawed by serious irregularities, violence broke out in urban centers across the country. The sudden nature of the violence, the main areas of which were in the west of the country and in and around Nairobi, sparked regional, continental and international mediation efforts.
The violence resulted in killings, injuries, looting, and destruction of property and displacement of the population. About 650 people were killed. The violence has affected about 500,000 persons who require emergency assistance, 250,000 of whom are internally displaced. Almost 7000 Kenyans have sought refugee in Uganda and many hundreds more have fled to northern Tanzania. The humanitarian response was further hampered by the restrictions on freedom of movement caused by the violence. As Kenya plays a regional economic, commercial, political and humanitarian hub supporting Somalia, Uganda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan, the impact of the crisis has been felt beyond its borders.
Political Dimension
Elections are expected to be held over the next 18 months in Angola, in Ghana, in Malawi, in South Africa and in Ethiopia. The election crisis in Kenya will have a direct and an indirect effect to most of these countries. According to the Guardian of UK:
“This election promised so much, not only to Kenya but to Africa as a whole. It would have been the first time that a Kenyan president would have lost through the ballot box, and the first time an incumbent would have been voted out of office. It would have been, in the best sense of the word, a revolution.”
The Rand Today of South Africa commented:
“Politics plays such a critical part in any countries economy. If the situation in Kenya is not resolved soon and amicably then Kenya’s economy could take a knock. The reason I mention the Kenya situation today is because I am looking at a potential scenario in 2009 where South Africa will be having its own presidential elections. If for some reason those elections do not go well and a ‘Kenya situation’ arises, what would happen to the South Africa economy?”
The December 2007 Kenyan election reminds me the Ethiopian election of May 2005. Like Kenya elections were called for, campaigns were held and finally balloting was conducted. Before the conclusion of the election, the ruling party in Ethiopia declared itself a winner. A state of emergency was declared. Vote rigging was the option for government to win. When the Ethiopian people protested, the regime mobilized its forces and around 200 people were massacred.
Economic Dimension
In Kenya, the post election violence took socio-economic dimension. Those living in the Nairobi slums that are largely unemployed, economically and socially dislocated, exploded reflecting their socio-economic frustration. The post election violence and unrest affected commodity supplies to neighbouring landlocked countries as roadblocks were erected on major highways. Supply of some key commodities such as petroleum in countries like Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo were disrupted. This led to fuel shortage. Trade through the port of Mombassa was grounded to a halt. The case of Uganda is illustrative:
“Uganda is a landlocked country that relies heavily on the political stability of Kenya for imports and exports through the Mombasa Port on the Indian Ocean and is dependent on the safe passage of goods through Kenya. The political instability has had devastating effects on Uganda’s economy.”
The crisis forced Rwandan and Ugandan external traders to divert their Mombasa-bound goods to Tanzania. However, Dar-es-Salam is facing capacity challenges in terms of accommodating goods from the rest of the world. Tourism, the major foreign exchange earner for Kenya was affected. Kenya’s image as place of pleasure was undermined. Tea, the second largest hard currency earner, was grounded. The manufacturing sector had been hard hit by the post election violence and break downs. It is believed that more than 500,000 jobs are at stake as manufacturers are attempting to come to terms with the volatile political situation.
Global Dimension
Since achieving political independence from Britain in 1963, Kenya has been pursuing a pro-Western political stance. Kenya has permitted American military access to its naval and air bases. American use of Mombasa enables it to project air and naval power in the Gulf of Aden, Indian Ocean, and Persian Gulf in the event of emergencies or threats to its security interests in these regions.
Kenya has provided access for U.S. aircraft to its airbases, particularly for use in its interventions in Somalia in the early 1990s and in support of Ethiopia's adventure against the Union of Islamic Courts in December 2006. Southern Sudan, which could become independent in 2011 under the terms of the 1997 Sudan Peace Agreement, has increasingly reoriented its trade – including the possible export of oil via a pipeline – to run to Mombasa. Kenya is the base for US intelligence operations in East Africa and especially the Horn of Africa. In view of all these, the US considers Kenya as critical to its geo-political and economic interest in the region. Like Ethiopia, Kenya is a staunch ally in the global “war on terror.”
The European Union has major interests in Kenya. European companies have invested heavily in the tourism, agribusiness and financial sectors. The UK has been Kenya's most important trading partner since it gained political independence in 1963. It remains one of Kenya’s largest suppliers, with a 7% market share and exports of goods valued at £215m in 2006. UK imports from Kenya were worth £256m in 2006. The UK is also the largest foreign investor in Kenya. Over 60 UK companies have operations in Kenya, and investments are estimated to be worth £1.5bn. Moreover, the UK as the former colonial power uses Kenya as an intelligence base.
Both Britain and the US are not at ease as the current post election crisis could degenerate into to a situation that threatens their economic and geopolitical interest. Kenya is a key to their efforts to retain their hold on the Horn of Africa. It is also essential for these countries that Kenya be stable if US and British companies are to make profit out of the vast resources of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The newly discovered oil reserves of Lake Albert in Eastern Congo are to be brought to the coast of Mombassa through a pipe line that will have to run across the country.
In the past as Ann Talbot noted, “the US and the UK have been able to use the threat of the withdrawal of aid to control the situation in Kenya to some degree. They are now reluctant to use this weapon because they know Kenya can turn to China, India or even Russia.”
At this point I wish to draw to your attention about the ambivalent role played by most Western governments as regards democratization in Africa. They played a central part not only in initially advancing the cause of multiparty elections but on several occasions, actively impeded further democratisation. For instance, they knowingly endorsed unfair elections in 1992 and 1997 in Kenya; in 2005 in Ethiopia and in 2007 in Nigeria. By doing so they undermined domestic efforts to secure far-reaching political reforms, which were a prerequisite for an opposition victory and a full transition to democracy. In the face of anti-regime popular mobilisation, their primary concern appeared to be the avoidance of any path that could lead to a breakdown of the political and economic neo-colonial order, even if this meant legitimising and prolonging African regime's authoritarian rule.
It is too early to make conclusions about the December 2007 election in Kenya. One thing is certain, however. Despite widespread evidence of fraud and other irregularities, the U.S. Ambassador in Kenya quickly congratulated the incumbent. Washington was forced to reverse that position in the days that followed. On Jan. 2, US Secretary of State and British Foreign Secretary joined the African Union (AU) in a call for an “end to the ethnic violence and for “compromise” among the country’s political leaders.”
Conclusion
The post election crisis in Kenya has brought to the forefront the unresolved political and economic issues that bedevilled Africa in general and Kenya in particular. Ever since political independence was gained, African states have shown themselves incapable of achieving genuine economic and social development because they have been consistently subordinated to the interests of the Western governments and corporations. Africa remained in the grip of a world market that is dominated by multi-cultural corporations and major banks.
Africa has a long way to go. All is not lost, however. We have a positive global movement which should not be underestimated. Since the time of slavery and colonialism we have observed globally an evolving peoples movement (irrespective of race and geographical boundary) that stood against human oppression and marginalization. Consciously or unconsciously, the Kenyan Peace and Solidarity Committee is part of this global movement. We are assembled here as citizens of the global movement ready to make a positive change in Kenya. The concrete action of the committee conveys a message to our Kenyan compatriots at home and in Canada that they are not alone in their struggle to create an equitable, democratic and just society. I will conclude my presentation by quoting the statement made by Martin Luther King 45 years ago:
“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly.”
Indeed, Dr. King was visionary. His statement is very much topical and relevant today than before.
Thank you for listening.
April 4, 2003
MWAI KIBAKI CALLS FOR SPEEDY AFRICAN INTEGRATION
See: No More Dictatorship in Kenya
Kibaki with East African Legislative Assembly
 President Mwai Kibaki of the African Union's Constituent Republic of Kenya is calling for quickening the pace for the integration of Africa. Speaking to members of the East African Legislative Assembly, Kibaki emphasized that Africans stood to reap more from integration than from separate development strategies.
President Mwai Kibaki has called for the speedy integration of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania into a federation. The President pointed out that the East African Federation required the necessary political will and impetus from the peoples of the region to become a reality.
President Kibaki was speaking at State House Nairobi on March 17, 2003 when he held discussions with members of the East African Legislative Assembly who paid him a courtesy call. They were led by Abdulrahaman Kinana, Speaker of the East African Legislative Assembly. Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki said that the realization of the federation in East Africa would be a positive move towards a greater Africa.
He said the reasons that were holding back the integration of the three sister states were trivial, noting that the factors that led to the formation of the East African Community soon after independence were still tenable. President Kibaki stated that the common services that would be enjoyed by member countries of the community would be more viable when harmonized at the regional level.
In this connection President Kibaki called on East Africans to have mutual trust and confidence in each other, saying mutual suspicion and mistrust would militate against unity. He went on to say that this region was well endowed with natural resources that could spur economic progress adding a common approach to the utilization of these resources would be more beneficial to the region.
President Kibaki emphasized that a common market and free movement of people in the three countries were imperative to realize the desired economic growth. The Speaker of the EALA Mr. Kinana said the peoples of the three countries were yearning for the unity of the East African states adding that nothing would be let to distract the region from this set goal.
Guided by the summit of the East African community, Mr. Kinana added they will work towards the speedy integration of the three States. He congratulated President Kibaki and the ruling NARC coalition for a resounding victory in the last elections saying the smooth political transition in Kenya augured well for the future of the community.
Members of the assembly who spoke at the function said there was need to restructure certain elements of the treaty establishing the community to remove bureaucracy that was a drawback to the interests of the community.
They felt that the community required full time or resident ministers from Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania to deal specifically with community matters.
Mr. Marando Mabere of Tanzania who spoke on the issue noted that foreign affairs ministers who were currently charged with that responsibility were too busy to perform community duties effectively.
Present were an assistant minister for foreign affairs Ali Chirau Mwakwere and Permanent secretary Peter ole Nkuraiya.
30 Dec 2002
KENYANS END 24 YEARS OF DICTATORSHIP
MWAI KIBAKI BECOMES PRESIDENT IN KENYA
 The African Union's constituent republic of Kenya has a new president. Mwai Kibaki, leader of a coalition of political groups called the National Rainbow Coalition [NARC] defeated Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya's first president Jomo Kenyatta and protege of outgoing president Daniel Kapkorios Toroitich arap Moi, to become Kenya's third president. Although the race for president was between Uhuru and Kibaki, it was understood that if Uhuru had won Moi would have retained effective control of government through his dominance over the Kenya African National Union [KANU] political party. The election was the culmination of years of struggle to end years of Moi's manipulation of the constitution and his use of KANU violence and dirty politics to maintain himself in power for so long.
 Daniel Moi, who served as Jomo Kenyatta's vice president since 1967, automatically assumed the position of president when Kenyatta died in 1978. Moi then began to concentrate power in his own hands so much so that by 2002 the entire population of Kenya was fed up with the imperious one man regime.
In the later years of the Kenyatta government and the Moi government, the Office of the President progressively took all key security departments. It then took over other key departments from other ministries, creating a bloated institution that overshadowed all other ministries and was responsible for much more than providing general supervision of government operations. This placed the President in direct control of defence, the police force, the intelligence services, immigration, and the Provincial Administration.
Departments which should have been under other ministries came under the President's Office in Moi's regime. This was particularly so with units that enjoyed large budgets, had security implications or the potential to attract donor funding. They included the National Aids Control Council, Kenya Wildlife Service, Ports and Airports Security, Disaster and Emergency Response Co-ordination, the National Youth Service, and even such mundane functions as registration of births and deaths and the registration of persons.
Other departments under Mr Moi's control were those in charge of the state houses and lodges, the Presidential Press Services, state and official visits, the Kenya seal, Government Press, the Inspectorate of state Corporations and Efficiency Monitoring Unit.
HUMAN RIGHTS & FOREIGN INTERVENTION
In order to remain in power for so long Moi manipulated and encouraged sectarian and ethnic rivalry between communities, misused the states' treasury, and threatened and had potential rivals killed or destroyed by the courts and the police. Moi also manipulated the internal affairs of other states in Africa, dispensing punishment or aid to political factions in exile in Kenya in exchange for denial of asylum and security for Kenyan dissidents living in other states.
In spite of Moi's blatant human rights abuses, he relied on international financial and military assistance for the organization of his political machinery. In 1982, American and British troops reinstated him after he had been overthrown in a popular revolution led by students and Air Force officers. British governments supplied Moi with military equipment and preferential economic arrangements. Kenya under Moi provided the US and Britain with military bases and the use of Port Mombasa.
AUF President Kirimi Kaberia with Mwai Kibaki [USA - June 2002]
 Mwai Kibaki has said that there will be no "witch hunt" against officials of Moi's 24 year long dictatorship, but that there will be no amnesty either. Moi is implicated in financial corruption charges and the murders of prominent personalities, including Robert Ouko, former foreign minister in Kenya, and Amon Bazira, leader of the opposition to the NRA/UPDF military regime in Uganda.
During Moi's 24 year rule, many political personalities with influence in the newly elected government were detained, tortured and harassed, under the infamous Preventive Detention Law and other draconian regulations. Among the famous political prisoners is Koigi wa Wamwere, who has become a member of the new parliament. Another former dissident is Raila Odinga who, however, joined Moi's government in the 1990s after his mistreatment. Odinga's refusal to cooperate with Moi in the 2002 election was important to the outcome of the election.
In the weeks leading up to the elections, former president Daniel Moi tried to retain power by using the military. Army leaders, many of whom are Moi's appointees, refused to participate in the plan, and let the elections proceed on schedule. However, in some regions the police was used to intimidate voters and returning officers. Paramilitary KANU youth groups were also used to disorganize and attack opposition voters.
The Kaberia family hosts Kibaki during the US visit
 In his inaugural speech president Mwai Kibaki recognised that "Kenya continues to bear a heavy burden" due to regional conflicts. He promised that the new government "will support and facilitate all positive efforts to resolve the conflicts in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and other trouble spots in Africa."
Mwai Kibaki was born in 1931 in the Kikuyu Community on the slopes of Mount Kenya. After studying in Uganda and London, he became a lecturer at Makerere University, but in the early 1960s gave it up to help in Kenya's struggle for independence. He helped draft Kenya's constitution, was elected as an MP in 1963 and has held his seat ever since.
He was finance minister throughout the 1970s and vice-president of Kenya for much of the 1980s, serving ably under the country's first president, Jomo Kenyatta, and then his successor President Moi. In 1988 Moi deposed Mwai Kibaki from the vice-presidency. When a long-standing ban on opposition parties was lifted in 1991, Mr Kibaki left the ruling party, KANU, to found the Democratic Party, which he still leads.
END
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